The murders of a Minnesota legislator and her husband earlier this year highlight a modern hard-right movement rooted in Christian supremacy.
In June, Minnesota state Rep. Melissa Hortman and her husband were murdered in their home. State Sen. John Hoffman of Minnesota and his wife were also wounded in an attack at their home. Vance Boelter, a minister, has been charged in both shootings. According to police, the gunman had a list of politicians to kill and was in the process of hunting them down.
The attacks on the Minnesota legislators were part of a series of recent acts of political violence in the U.S., including the September killing of Charlie Kirk, founder of Turning Point USA. Before that, other incidents included:
- The April arson at the home of Pennsylvania Gov. Josh Shapiro.
- The two 2024 assassination attempts of then-presidential candidate Donald Trump.
- The 2022 planned kidnapping of U.S. House Speaker Nancy Pelosi and the assault on her spouse.
- The attack at the U.S. Capitol on Jan. 6, 2021.
- The 2020 kidnapping plot of Michigan Gov. Gretchen Whitmer.
The exact ideology of each alleged perpetrator isn’t clear in every case, but Hortman and Hoffman’s alleged attacker was clearly tied to a modern political hard-right movement.
Boelter was a missionary and minister steeped in Christian supremacy, the idea that certain theologies and churches should control all areas of our shared lives, from the daily and social to the political. Researcher Frederick Clarkson has described dominionism, a key piece of Christian supremacy, as an inherently “theocratic idea.” It is also a minoritarian idea, where the views of a small group control all aspects of society, including wielding power over other Christian churches that do not align with their supremacist theology.
Christian supremacy and the New Apostolic Reformation
The contemporary Christian supremacy movement in the United States originated on the margins of the religion’s Reformed tradition. But starting in the 1980s, Christian supremacy’s emphasis on religious supremacy was grafted onto the growing Charismatic wing of Christianity. Over the past several decades, this cross-pollination has energized a new wave of U.S. theocrats, resulting in what is the most influential Christian supremacist movement in U.S. politics and culture today, the New Apostolic Reformation (NAR). This movement, which has gained traction globally over the past three decades, consists of various networks led by “apostles,” leaders who have near-total authority over their churches and who are guided by “prophets,” who claim to hear the word of God directly (although the distinction between the two can become blurred in practice).
Christian supremacy, such as that found in the NAR, is deeply undemocratic, partisan and authoritarian. It stems from theologies grounded in a stark, us-versus-them worldview. Under this belief system, God rules through church leaders, and it is up to Christians in their network to make the will of God a reality. When the rubber of this theology hits the political road, it can undermine democratic practices, as adherents of Christian supremacy view any vote or law that goes against their understanding of God’s will as illegitimate. And those who do not agree are viewed not merely as political opponents but literally as demons or under demonic influence.
According to one NAR proclamation, the “Watchman Decree,” the NAR understands itself as God’s legislature on earth:
- “We, the Church, are God’s governing Body on the earth.”
- “We have been given legal power from heaven and now exercise our authority.”
- “Because of our covenant with God, we are equipped and delegated by Him to destroy every attempted advance of the enemy.”
These words are meant to be taken literally. The NAR is theocratic, which means God has given its leadership and members the authority to rule, and even dominate, their neighbors’ lives. Under this belief system, it is the duty of such Christians to implement God’s will in politics and culture as NAR leaders see fit.
Demonizing one’s opponents (literally)
The NAR’s influence has only increased over the years. Ideas that the NAR promotes, such as spiritual warfare and the idea that demons lurk behind liberal, democratic government, have become more common not just in Christianity but with the general public, according to recent research. NAR adherents explicitly believe in the existence of demonic forces. They believe these demons possess not just individuals but also legislatures and whole areas of the world. A person can be possessed, but there are also spirits powerful enough to possess cities and larger territories — possibly countries — as well as legislatures. Possession here is the main tool for the demonic to gain control not just over individuals but over areas, regions and institutions, according to this belief system.
There is a demon, for example, that protects abortion access and thwarts efforts to end abortion rights. Lou Engle, a longtime Charismatic leader, has claimed that LGBTQ+ people are possessed and that Islam and Freemasonry, a longtime go-to of the conspiratorial right, also allow in “demonic spirits.”
This language has begun permeating the right and has been taken up by politicians. Calling one’s opponents “demonic” has become a stand-in for the standard extremist broadsides, such as “communist,” “Marxist” or “globalist.” Trump accused his opponents of being demonic at the Family Research Council’s Pray Vote Stand Summit in September 2023:
“[I] had to stand up to the communists, the Marxists, the atheists and the evil and demonic forces that want to destroy our country. They’re destroying our country. I took their fire, and I did it gladly. I’m protecting the people in this room. I’m protecting the people of this nation.”
U.S. Sen. Tommy Tuberville of Alabama also referred to his opponents as a “satanic cult.” Even Roger Stone, the famous political operative, who is not known for his religiosity, claimed to have seen a demonic portal open above the White House during the Joe Biden administration.
The stakes of such language for society are high, as this literal demonization of those who do not agree leaves no room for the compromise necessary for democracy.
Boelter and the web of supremacy today
Boelter stands at the intersection of a number of American theological movements that oppose values such as pluralism; a meaningful, inclusive democracy; and above all, a true and open-armed commitment to the Christian ideal of salvific, or saving, love. He is steeped in many streams of U.S. supremacy and is a part of this larger extreme phenomenon, its threads braided into a powerful cord that has taken over many of the institutions on the right.
For example, Boelter attended the Christ for the Nations Institute (CFNI), which Frederick Clarkson of Political Research Associates has called the “tap root” of the NAR. Key NAR leader Dutch Sheets was an executive director of the institute. CFNI, however, is not just linked to the NAR. It was founded by Gordon Lindsay, who journalist Jeff Sharlet claims was an influence on Boelter. In the 1930s and 1940s, Lindsay participated in British Israelism, a precursor of Christian Identity. Boelter was also steeped in anti-abortion rhetoric, which emerged during the first iteration of the Christian right in the 1970s and 1980s. The NAR also embraces this rhetoric, claiming abortion exists because there is demonic power defending it.
Boelter’s relationships and work also help us see how Christian supremacy is tied to other worrying trends, including the growing militarism of the right and the way that social media accelerates radicalization. Boelter ran a security company, and he seems to have been radicalized in part online. Before the shootings, he “began following a far-right website that trafficked in conspiracy theories about stolen elections and evil Democrats,” according to one report.
These trends of militarization, online radicalization and supremacy combined in Boelter and manifested in political violence and the assassinations of elected officials. These are legacies of the history of politics and religion in the United States, and they represent not so much a religion with political agendas but exclusive, radical politics with a religion.
What’s next
There is already an increase of threats and attacks on politicians driven by polarization and the movement of extremist ideology from the margins to the center.
- The Bridging Divides Initiative at Princeton University confirmed more than 600 threats against local politicians in 2024, a 74% increase since 2022, and the U.S. Capitol Police have reported an increase in threats against members of Congress.
- The Brennan Center for Justice reported that state legislatures have also been targeted. According to the center, “More than 40 percent of state legislators experienced threats or attacks within the past three years, and more than 18 percent of local officeholders experienced threats or attacks within the past year and a half. The numbers balloon to 89 percent of state legislators and 52 percent of local officeholders when less severe forms of abuse — insults or harassment such as stalking — are included.”
Researchers who have followed Christian supremacy for decades have called attention to the reality of this violent language. Clarkson of Political Research Associates, an expert on the NAR and Christian supremacy, told National Public Radio that for the NAR, its vision for the future of the United States will not come peaceably. “It’s just understood,” Clarkson said, “that it’s going to involve physical warfare.”
Image at top: A makeshift memorial for Minnesota state Rep. Melissa Hortman and her husband, Mark Hortman, is displayed June 16, 2025, at the Minnesota Capitol in St. Paul. (Credit: Steven Garcia/Getty Images)